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The earliest archeological records indicate that relationship was a complex one. Nearly years ago there was large-scale irrigation desert lands agricultural purposes, settled populations depended upon the sea for stable protein sources, and highland crops, such as tubers and grains, and animals were well on their way to being domesticated Moseley ; Orlove Their architecture and spatial orientation suggest class- and kinship-based social systems, patterns of land use ownership that we are just now beginning to understand ,and cosmology vastly different from our own cf.

Murra , Moseley Urton Although many of the details remain obscure, it is certain that extensive travel and trading have gone on throughout the length and breadth and heights of the Andes for several millenia, as an outstanding characteristic of the forms of cultural and economic adaptation described Murra and 19 or intermediate periods is a function of the tensions inherent in necessary access to the variety widely dispersed ecological zones present in Andean context. Such cultural oscillations the history of extensive cross-cultural contact have been among important contributing factors to language maintenance or decline in the Andes.

The social economic structures and processes-varied economic resources, networks of exchange that crossed the Andes and gave access to varied ecological zones, corporate labor practices and food preservation and storage systems-persisted as principal cultural and economic modes on the coast and in the highlands until shortly after the arrival of the Spaniards.

These structures and processes are also reflected in the essential character of indigenous Andean survival during the conquest and republican regimes, and further aid in the explanation of the patterns of language contact and maintenance in the Andes, as indicated below. Murra and was one of the first grasp the significant accomplishments complementarity, Andean "the cultural simultaneous ecology.

The control notion ingle ecological ethnic group several geographically dispersed ecological tiers" Murra accounting for the success of the high density populations of the mountain valleys and the altiplano, has been increasingly a focus of his work for more than 20 years. Murra distinguishes three distinct steps in the Andean success story: 1 the development of highly productive, high altitude cultigens and agricultural production a vertical archipelago arrangement; "domestication cold" through which massive food such as Murra' to Andean anthropology provide a picture of the Andes across time and space as a place of constant movement of peoples and goods across the highlands, to the valleys and lowlands, in all directions, and in which that movement is part of an essential and ingenious economic activity.

An examination of Andean cultural developments the area of the altiplano will provide some understanding of the contact influences prior to Hispanic intrusion. The oscillation between pan-Andean imperial epochs and periods of smaller-scale local development is correlated with the spread of a number of languages with lingua franca status for imperial purposes, and with the development of both dialectal variation and language loss. Wari-Tiwanaku horizon speakers of proto-Jaqi-Arul Wari site, near modern Ayacucho, into other valleys, During expanded from the west to the coast, and around lake area altiplano, where Pukina may have been language of the Tiwanaku culture.

Thus Jaqi-Aru was being spoken on the altiplano as well as throughout the mountains and in coastal areas as a result Wari intrusion, even was language Tiwanaku culture Hardman and Moseley It is likely that Jaqi-Aru and Pukina were not the only languages being spoken on the altiplano at the time, and that Jaqi-Aru was lingua franca useful primarily in economic relations throughout the Andes Hardman a. Evidence of a 'mega-Nifio' event A. Hardman and Moseley , correlated with a decline in Wari-Tiwanaku horizon around that time, suggests that a combination climatic geographic conditions encouraged that decline, interrupting trade and other relations which would be the basis of empire.

A subsequent period of local expansion lasting some years, during which coastal societies actively engaged in trade were flourishing--Chimu to the north and Chincha on the south coast of modern Peru--involved movement Pukina speakers Cuzco area Hardman-de-Bautista a. The rise of Pukina speakers, specifically the Inca, as imperial powers entailed their spreading the dominant Jaqi-Aru by now proto-Aymara governance purposes for several generations of Inca rule and utilizing their native Pukina internal court purposes Hardman-de-Bautista a , although Pukina was still spoken by populations around Lake Titicaca as late as the seventeenth century.

Contact during Inca imperial expansion with successful Chincha coastal trading polities resulted their eventual inclusion into the Inca realm and the switch by the Inca from Jaqi-Aru, language of a waning power, to Chinchay Quechua, spoken by a rising power imperial language Hardman-de-Bautista a. The formerly dominant Jaqi-Aru languages were then being divided by the penetration of Chinchay altiplano Quechua, Bolivia, so that Aymara, was eventually in what cut off from is now Jaqaru and southern Peru Kawki in central Peru Heath and Laprade Among the Incas' many imperial accomplishments was a fairly light- handed approach to the cultural and linguistic identities within Chang-Rodriguez However , the policy of resettling 22 groups in former highland Jaqi-Aru strongholds, and many Jaqi-Aru speakers were resettled along the southern Peruvian coast Heath and Laprade By the fifteenth century the Inca had only relatively recently imposed Quechua imperial language governing large number linguistically and culturally diverse groups under their control , having previously employed Jaqi-Aru for that purpose.

And their imperial policies had otherwise dramatically altered linguistic situation in their realm: They had spread Jaqi-Aru over a vast area and subsequently the same with Chinchay Quechua, while at the same time imposing and maintaining linguistic cultural divisions within those areas in order assure success diversification their I whic2 realm. By the sixteenth century only the Quechua and Jaqi-Aru languages remained lingua francas culturally mixed population in the highlands. Thus, upon their arrival the mid-sixteenth century, the Spaniards encountered fairly widespread use of the Quechua languages, especially in the region of modern Ecuador, Peru the second during the later period of localist Chinchay coastal languages which had not been replaced by the recently imposed Quechua.

Crown colonial policies sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, examined below, established the Hispanic pattern of relating to th linguistic diversity in the Andes--which has existed in large measure to this day.

Disease, war, repression and exploitation were the consequences to the indigenous populations of the Spanish conquest. Large numbers of local languages were lost with the death of native speakers Chang-Rodriguez , Hardman-de-Bautista a , as most of the population was wiped out in the first few years of the colonial period. Although highland populations escaped total devastation, Andean coastal societies virtually disappeared due to the combined effects of disease and repression Murra For most of the colonial period, the Spanish Crown espoused a policy of spreading the Castilian language to the indigenous peoples for religious and political reasons, understanding the power of language as "an instrument of empire" Heath and Laprade Following the soldiers into the Andes were the religious agents and colonial authorities who gathered Andean people into villages reducciones , the colonists who expropriated Indian lands and labor Murra ; Dobyns and Doughty The difficult terrain discouraged all colonial forces from venturing far or long from their settlements, while at the same time providing the relative security needed for pockets of resistance by indigenous populations to continue for some time during the colonial and republican periods.

While the church's mandated role in program castilianizaci6n, people, was clearly involving linked Spanish to control language over instruction indigenous to the Andean population, religious perceived orders involved value cultural native religious languages indoctrination instruction rapidly Heath Laprade The church' influence over the Spanish Crown in this matter ultimately royal court to provide continued political support religious instruction in the native tongues Chang-Rodriguez Wachtel The somewhat contradictory policies of Castilianization, on one hand, the utilization 'general languages' Andes on the other, evolved into an aspect of the ultimately antagonistic struggle between interests of the Spanish Crown, which needed to maintain a loyal, colony, and of the colonists, productive who perceived direct control over the resources and lives of the Andean peoples as necessary for their effective domination.

The colonists , supported some enlightened religious community, arguing mention increasingly cultural efficiency demanded intellectual control a policy benefits economic forced Andean benefits Castilianization, people-not to to empire-of requiring the use of the Spanish language. The Crown's attempt to mitigate the abuse of the native peoples by colonial representatives was persuaded and encouraged by religious activists such as Bartolom de las Casas and Fray Domingo Santo Tomas Chang-Rodriguez Levillier Indigenous writers such as Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala Adorno only pleaded the Andean peoples' not cause against harsh subjugation, but also encouraged the learning and use of Andean languages.

Another factor colonial situation which encouraged maintenance and spread of the major indigenous languages was the retention large portions Inca administrative structures personnel-a network in which indigenous languages were crucial Heath and Laprade This was true for a short period with Jaqi-Aru, but by the beginning of 26 further than the Inca had carried it as the Spanish extended their dominion far beyond the original Inca empire Torero It should be noted that the originally prestigious Chinchay variety of Quechua fell victim to Spanish conquest Hardman a , and that it was the Cuzco variety of Quechua, influenced by the originally dominant Jaqi-Aru in the area Mannheim , which was spread by the Spaniards.

Thus , Heath and Laprade maintain that in spite of an ideology which demanded Castilianization and a strong drive for enforced Spanish usage by the colonial administration, the Spanish Crown's policy to this point may be described as having been more additive than replacive with regard to the Jaqi-Aru, Quechua, other indigenous languages. On the other hand, Chang-Rodriguez stresses that an effect of the dual policy was a strengthening of the hegemony of Hispanic language culture, further distancing state from majority indigenous population.

Late the seventeenth century attitude of the Crown began change, probably under considerable pressure colonial administration, and use of the indigenous languages began to lose official sanction Heath and Laprade However, there were a number of factors within colonial social milieu which further attenuated spread Spanish. That is, from early in the Conquest period, many Hispanic landowners preferred to learn Quechua or Jaqi-Aru campesinos, who won the right to Spanish language education only at the cost of many lives.

Mestizaie, primarily resulting from that many women came with the Spanish soldiers, became a feature of Andean society very early in the conquest Dobyns and Doughty And with the development of a mestizo indigenous population, languages bilingualism quickly or multilingualism became norm in the Spanish a highland urban centers, although the rural populations remained largely monolingual.

In La Paz, for example, Aymara and sometimes Spanish were the native languages of the urban population until this century Laprade Although no other indigenous language in Latin America can claim to have had, or have, since the conquest, the national prestige that Guarani does in Paraguay Rubin et al.

That is, Aymara was the daily language for nearly all classes and ethnic groups, except during formal occasions and for speaking with foreigners, when Spanish was preferred Laprade In the former Inca capital of Cuzco, the same conditions may also have applied to Quechua.

However, the development of varieties of Aymara and Quechua which are referred to today as patronn' Aymara or Quechua attest to the probability that the dominance of the indigenous languages in these contexts was short-lived. The patron ' varieties were spoken by the upper class mestizo population and were highly influenced by Spanish. Spanish Andean nations during colonial era was with Spanish elite, interactions within colonial political bureaucracy prestige, ii conditions Avila was Echazu until encouraged Although twentieth an indigenous Spanish century shift that was language of social Spanish, economic that stable institutional support for the teaching of Spanish as a second language became a reality anywhere in the highlands Chang-Rodriguez ; Briggs At the beginning of this century, indigenous peoples were faced with both limited access to Spanish and a prejudice regarding their own languages cultures which were labeled as 'inferior underdeveloped dominant population Chang-Rodriguez After nearly four hundred years marginalization at the hands colonists, much which involved forced castellanizaci6n, negative attitudes toward their own languages often resulted internalization these prejudices which linger even today.

At the same time, however, social and economic policies continually reinforced reliance on traditional life styles in which indigenous languages were vital. Modern Context The highland Aymara and the majority of Bolivia' Quechua speaking groups today make up nearly seven million people, numbering at least one million three million respectively. In Peru these group constitute nearly half of the nation' population of eighteen million Gray Impara Given these figures, it is not only the shift to increased Spanish use which should be noted , it is also the fact that the shift is relatively recent after nearly years of Spanish contact, and that a corresponding decline in major indigenous language use does not appear to be occurring.

One of the features of modern highland Andean society involves the correlation language, social class, ethnicity. That , indigenous language and cultural identity are frequently associated with lower social class status in the Andes Klein ; Dobyns and Doughty However, the fact indigenous language and cultural maintenance south-central Andean highlands cannot denied. Discussed below are factors which mitigate generally oppressive consequences an 'ethnicized' class hierarchy, as seen through an examination of the language use patterns in the area.

Attitudes about Language and Ethnic Group Identity Language attitudes multilingual communities generally considered to be a function of prestige or status factors, so that use of the prestige language often means access to social mobility and thus to higher social status. At the same time, ethni group identity and language attitude are often highly correlated so that social factors leading to attempts preserve ethnic identity also tend to strengthen mother-tongue identification example, Wolfson Manes Andes, these attitudinal factors may indeed be considered important variables in the contact situation.

While the Spanish language indeed enjoys prestige and higher social status from the perspective of the dominant culture and the rigid class structure of national society another value system is operative well which indigenous context of language use plays an important role. At the same time these individuals are cognizant of the personal advantages to be gained with access to higher social status that may be obtained by Spanish language usage.

But the traditional values entail factors which mitigate a wholesale shift to use of Spanish in specific contexts. Research cultural and economic anthropology indicates example, that the ancient indigenous social and economic patterns continue to exist today highlands despite restructuring colonial national governments Brush Collins Hickman and Stuart massive urban migration. Thus ancient patterns have encouraged maintenance strong ethnic and linguistic identities, due to the necessity of relying on them for continued livelihood and community in periods of increased contact with Hispanic language and culture.

While increased multilingualism involving Spanish may be supported through Hispanic-indigenous contact in certain contexts, and by the asymmetrical relationship of the languages in question, the disappearance of the major native languages is not one of the correlates of this contact. Rather, the native language ties are strengthened in the Andes through access the nature of such dominant contact. Cultural Similarity Degree common cultural rules similarity communication , dominant extent group intermarriage, including are also attitude-related factors which have been determined to influence language shift to the dominant language Clyne Though intermarriage has been extensive Andes Laprade , I have observed that marked cultural differences between the Hispanic and indigenous populations which remain are often reflected in language use: Indigenous languages serve needs in traditional contexts; Spanish is used in mestizo and urban contexts.

Such linguistic signs of cultural distinction have served as a barrier to language equity in all contexts. That is , while intermarriage other factors may promote Spanish bilingualism, cultural markers may preserve use different languages in differing contexts, furthering a trend toward diglossia. Direction of Influence There contact been literature a certain regarding amount direction presumption influence during language language contact. Many scholars view the shift from a subordinate language to one with more "prestige" Weinreich []: 7 as an automatic consequence of political and economic subordination of language groups Hill and Hill But as suggested by Weinreich [] and Haugen , necessary to look at the conditions which have given rise to both pre- and In a case study which focuses on the historical imposition of Latin, Greek, Arabic and Turkish as lingua francas, Brosnahan concludes that language influence typically flows primarily from the politically dominant language.

Specifically, Brosnahan states a set of conditions which establish the basis for a shift to the imperial language as the dominant, if not the only, language in use in a society, as in the cases of Latin, imposition of a language by military conquest; Greek and Arabic: second first, , its maintenance by a similar authority; third, presence previous multilingualism; and fourth, social advantages conferred by use of the imperial language.


Given that Hispanic conquest of Andes reflects pattern, flow of influence at least primarily from Spanish to the indigenous languages in the Andes might be anticipated. I by the population until very recently, However, Spanish has not been acquired and its acquisition is not taking place in a uniform manner. The lack of economic cultural unity between national and indigenous populations may be the essential stumbling block- to the perception of Spanish as personally advantageous to many Quechua and Aymara-which has slowed the process of castilianizaci6n.

Additionally, perhaps more important, as indicated above there is a long history denial of indigenous access to the Spanish language by Hispanic authorities. There is no doubt that military, political, and economic oppression and dominance established Spanish as the prestige language from a national and Hispanic extreme perspective. In the case of Quechua, Hornberger forthcoming reports an increase in the contexts for Spanish use in rural altiplano Peruvian communities, but a fairly clear division remaining in terms of the domains of the use of both languages, and an increase in the incidence of Quechua use in urban settings as those populations increase.

Additionally anecdotal evidence indicates that while few would deny the value of learning to speak Spanish and Spanish literacy, many indigenous language speakers in Bolivia and Peru indicate a preference for learning, apart from literacy or formal education, native language in cursillos which are given in the home or neighboring communities rural areas. Such preference reflects a common tendency multilingual communities speakers to consider different languages appropriate to different contexts, or having different functions. Further in this vein, L6pez4 reports that younger Peruvian students associated with the Peru-Germany Bilingual Education Project Puno prefer early school pedagogy their native Quechua and Aymara languages and are generally more successful learners under that condition-a finding which parallel the successes of bilingual education programs in other countries.

Therefore, while it is likely that all speakers of Quechua or Aymara would recognize the higher social status of Spanish, each linguistic group could rate the two languages independently and with different results. That functional utility languages involved as it is aptitude speaking those languages or national norms for language status. The assessment by native speakers value their own languages considered fundamental to understanding the role of language dominance Wolfson and Manes Geographic Divisions Weinreich frequently notes restricted that language clearcut contact geographic mutual divisions influence [].

Hardman-de-Bautista a describes these periods cultural ascendency and decline in terms of a tension generated in part by the demands a difficult terrain, amounting to geographic division. This terrain, and the continued use of it by indigenous peoples, is likely to have discouraged the spread of Spanish to the highland indigenous areas outside of urban zones.

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Urbanization and Population Trends: Literacy and National Perspectives Much of the contact literature considers urbanization number of non- dominant language speakers using the politically dominant language, absolute and relative numerical important interactive factors in strength of low-status language speakers to be the maintenance of low status languages or shift to the dominant one Fishman Associated factors which tend to curb castilianiz aci6n involve development of orthographies, grammars and literacy in Quechua and Aru.

Jaqi- Literary and pedagogical traditions in Jaqi-Aru and Quechua have also developed, as indicated above, subsequent to strong indigenista movements in this century in both Peru and Bolivia. Briggs provides a review of bilingual educational efforts in both Peru and Bolivia which, although suggesting an uncertain future such efforts details persistence of attitudes of native speakers and others favoring language maintenance.

The enduring efforts these people have paid at the level national recognition, at least nominally. The use of the Quechua and other vernacular languages for educational purposes became a part of national pedagogical strategy in Peru with the passage of the Nueva Ley General de Educaci6n Impara These are some outcomes a long and often violent history indigenous struggle to preserve ethnic and linguistic identity in both nations. Summary While negative Hispanic attitudes toward indigenous langu ages- which have been heavily internalized native peakers-have altered significantly since the original colonizer view them as backward and scarcely classifiable as langu ages, both Quechua and Jaqi-Aru languages remain extraordinarily vital.

For the approximately three million Jaqi-Aru speakers5 strong language identity still exists. This appears to me to be particularly true of the Bolivian altiplano around Paz. Although demographic trends may indicate an uncertain future for the indigenous persistence languages vitalitya perhaps strong commitment cultural and to indigenous linguistic institutions and lifeways in the face of political and economic subjugation, as well as the centuries of intense contact, primarily form of bilingualism-which account for the development of new varieties of Spanish in the area Escobar ; Hardman-de-Bautista ; Torero The reporting phonology and grammar Altiplano Spanish Chapters IV through VII includes not only data from this research but from work by others as well.

It was decided that to include such information, especially from geographic areas or containing structural linguistic data not covered by this study, would provide a more comprehensive understanding grammar Altiplano Spanish. Definition of Terms This study uses the notion of a 'standard' Spanish merely as a point of departure for describing potential dialectal variation. There is no intent to hold up a standard as a model of correct behavior for udging the competence the speakers of Altiplano Spanish who are fluent dialect.

Those abbreviations are defined in Table which follows. The references indicated in Table appear in bibliography of this thesis. Briggs, Escobar, Laprade, Lozano, MEN Mendoza Frias, MIL Minaya Lujan, GOD Godenzzi MUY Muysken, GUT Gutierrez, ROD Rodriguez, HARI Hardman KANI Kany, The Arabic numbers indicate the line number in the case of my data, or the page number in the case of data from other investigators utilized in this research.

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Research Site The research was conducted on the altiplano Bolivia and Peru, beginning in the city of La Paz, Bolivia, and from there to the communities of Copacabana, Kusijata, Huacuyo and Huatajata, which are located northeast on the shores Lake Titicaca. Peru, research.

Figure 1 is a map of the research area. All of these locations are traditionally and currently strongholds of Aymara language and culture.

This is even true for the city of La Paz, which retains a very indigenous flavor except in the southernmost zones of the city which are dominated by wealthy mestizo and foreign white populations. And even there, recent immigrants purchase lands and construct homes in rural areas bordering and surrounding the enclaves of Western urban-style streets which are crowded with large, often luxurious homes, and supermarkets full of products imported from North America and Europe.

It-LC c"l,. San a- - C; ucre Potosi o. The section which follows provides demographic information about these people which is necessary a determination whether the linguistic data taken from their speech and described in Chapters through VII may indeed be considered dialectal features. That is information intended to demonstrate that language samples representative of the speech of segments of the population in general, and are not from marginal or exceptional individuals.